Globalisation and the Future of Terrorism: Patterns and Predictions (Contemporary Security Studies)

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In many cases this is a more important factor, says Anderson, than geography, religion, language, culture, or ethnicity. According to Anderson, it was local leaders, mostly educated in Europe, who made these diverse areas into independent nations. The reason for this is that the experience of empire by the colonised local educated elites included a metropolitan training in ideas such as political freedom, democracy and nationalism.

Thus, according to Anderson, European empires created their own opposition, consisting of those who campaigned for colonial independence using imported ideas of nationalism. Partha Chatterjee, for example, argues that the modern Indian state is not a mere copy of a pre-existing European political module, and its specific history is not merely a replication of modes of state experience already found in Europe.

Economic, technological and cultural change across the globe is not a new phenomenon, although the current rate of change may be novel.

Terrorism and Globalization

The huge economic changes that transformed eighteenth and nineteen century Europe led to a world economic system of trade based partly on the exploitation of plantation economies around the world. Communication revolutions allowed capital and labour to move around the globe at an unprecedented rate. In the centuries before this European domination other waves of expansion, migration and development transformed cultures in all inhabited continents. In more recent times the United States has become the new centre of western global economic power.

In all these changes there is a process and also a range of reactions that may be called globalisation. The pace and the pattern of change may be new, but the process of globalisation is very familiar. All of these historical changes have also involved enormous cultural transformations. They have also caused conflicts between the victims and the beneficiaries of rapid change. In particular, cultural conflicts have been evident between the values of the modern enthusiastic advocates of change, and the values of the traditional or the atavistic opponents to the modern threat.

In many countries an unlikely combination of conservatives, especially in remote, rural and regional areas, and urban radicals, deplore globalisation. It is seen by them to be inimical to the interests of local, regional communities and also to national or international interests. It allegedly destroys local cultures. Such beliefs are not unusual.

A sovereign, he says, is a gold coin, a unit of currency. The Chief believes that the collective of all the citizens of Vanuatu should own these coins. He believes that this would provide a gold standard for financial security and opportunity for all citizens. The issue of coinage and currency control is a familiar emblem of financial independence. The current nationalistic furore in the UK over replacing the pound sterling with the euro is a case in point.

Importantly, the Nagriamel argument is also a variation on the theme that the intersection of the international and the national economic environment, the capitalist global economy, benefits only the richest, and such global forces should be resisted by state regulation, control and protection. Deregulation of the economy, the removal of tariff protection, trade liberalisation, economic rationalism, and the belief in unfettered markets, are all under attack in a sustained anti-globalisation protest. Internationally, the advocates of the cult of the market place and free trade have been under more direct physical attack at meetings of world leaders to discuss deregulation of tariffs and industry protection.

Such resistance is not new. In nineteenth century Europe, for instance, conservatives deplored the loss of traditional ways of life as industrialization destroyed the harmonious landscape of old England. Similarly, and at the same time, in British colonised India the nationalist reaction to westernisation often followed a similar trajectory.

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In many other parts of the world, local, regional and national reactions to the cultural dominations of the west could be expressed in ambiguous ways that rejected the idea of a heartless, soulless, materialistic oppressor. Today this defining of a local, regional or national culture by explicit comparison with its alleged oppressor culture is a key feature of many critiques of globalisation.

For many such cultures the definition of their own distinctive qualities can be defined and measured against the perceived culture of the United States, and in particular, American-based multi-national corporations can stand as the essentialised enemy. However, there is no necessary contradiction between the local and regional and national cultures on the one hand and the process of globalisation on the other. Indeed, resistance to perceived global cultural forces can reinforce local regional and national cultures.

Of course, local perceptions of globalisation are often of a rival and foreign culture, based on perceived ways of life in New York or Los Angeles. But local culture bearers who see local and global cultures as entirely fixed and in permanent opposition to the culture of globalisation may have misread both cultures. Cultural change, according to cultural critic Homi Bhaba, is more complex. Negotiation and translation in the space of hybridity are the building blocks of Bhaba's understanding of cultural theory and practice. Hybridity, he asserts, allows for negotiation, rather than negation between cultures.

Narrow binary views of cultures in permanent opposition are not usually helpful explanations of complex phenomena, although they most certainly do motivate political action.


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The perception of economic, military or cultural threat is a powerful incentive for groups to unite behind a nationalist cause. Arguably, this quality of opposition to global forces is integral to the sentiment of a nationalistic support of state sovereignty, where perceptions of failure may unite groups more than does their apparent success.

For example, a nationalist resistance to the provision of aid, particularly conditional or tied aid, by powerful neighbouring states may be represented as an assault on national culture by insensitive outsiders. For instance, then Vanuatu Prime Minister Serge Vohor, speaking on the Vanuatu Broadcasting and Television Corporation VBTC said that his government sought aid that was requested by his government, rather than aid imposed from the outside. There are many different points of attachment and loyalty to the idea of any particular state. These nationalisms include some sense of what a particular group of people think is important about themselves and their differences from others, almost always articulated as a series of essentialised oppositions, and in many cases these are enlisted in arguments about the basis for setting up or for maintaining a set of political institutions recognized in international law as a sovereign state.

The current debate about the end of state sovereignty as a response to globalisation takes a very narrow time frame in which to locate both state sovereignty and globalisation. The view that globalisation has caused the erosion, or even the inevitable extinction, of state sovereignty, depends on seeing globalisation as an entirely new phenomenon, apparent only in the past twenty or thirty years, and in seeing state sovereignty exemplified by a few advanced industrial states, with highly regulated economies, typically in Western Europe, in the approximately thirty year period following World War Two.

Such a narrow basis of comparison is probably the conceit of an intellectual generation for whom the Western Europe or Australia of the mids was the norm, the comparative benchmark, rather than an atypical period of state development, when measured against the wider geographical and historical experiences of most states, or emergent states, in the last century or more.

Complex Concepts: Globalization & Terrorism

Although the total independence of states remains a highly debatable notion, it has not diminished the desires of people around the world to argue for their own distinctiveness, and for their need to assert themselves, particularly in opposition to the most powerful and the most economically advanced states in the world. To some extent we may see this process both as a threat to, and a reworking of, notions of state sovereignty.

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But reduction in state power is not inevitable. If we compare the situation, not over the last thirty years, but over a much longer time frame, and across the territories of all the states now represented in the United Nations, the erosion of state sovereign power is not dramatic. In many cases it has dramatically increased, and its future may lead in finding more creative ways of seeing cooperative regulation internally and externally. While globalisation is not an entirely new phenomenon, it does have sufficient distinctive contemporary features to make difficulties for even the very strongest state, both domestically and in the international arena.

Globalisation and the Future of Terrorism: Patterns and Predictions - Brynjar Lia - Google книги

He said the threat of terrorism was a daily reality. Resistance to international globalisation of power is central to internal state development, especially in the states that were previously parts of world empires. At the state institutional level, and at the economic and cultural levels, such concerns are evident within states as well as between states. The same sorts of argument, about the threats to the national economy and culture from the international global order, are often replicated by the local reactions to the national, where the state system of previously colonised states in relation to the peripheral territories of such states replicates the patronising assumptions and methods of the old colonial powers.

Resistance to the perceived potential loss of sovereignty is often vigorous, and through the negotiation of difference, new forms of culture, economy and state institution, are being formed. Such transformations are not necessarily improvements or worsening of previous positions, of course, nor are they inevitable. Political action can affect outcomes. State sovereignty has changed over time and place for several centuries, and new state arrangements continue to present major challenges for public policy and international law.

Academic obituaries for the sovereign state are, to say the least, a little premature. Are the resultant new and changing state arrangements perceived to be legitimate, efficient, democratic, ethical, or equal, and if so, by whom? He has published many articles in political science and related disciplines. Parties that did not sign the protocol may accede to it.

Entered into force, July 1 Entered into force March 26, Here, we highlight four of the more important ones:. Firms are moving from vertically integrated organizations to more specialized ones that outsource noncore functions and to more decentralized forms of internal organization. We can expect a shift away from more permanent, lifetime jobs toward less permanent, even nonstandard employment relationships e. These arrangements may be particularly attractive to workers trying to balance work and family obligations or to the disabled and older people who would benefit from alternative arrangements.

In a tight labor market, employers can try to recruit groups with relatively low labor force participation. Changes in incentives associated with pension plans and reforms to Social Security may motivate older workers to retire later. Providing child care may make it easier to recruit women with children. Also, changes in technology and in the workplace described above may make it possible to recruit more people with disabilities into the workplace.

Immigration policy offers another lever, in particular to target highly skilled aliens, thus raising the overall skill levels of the U.

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ISBN 13: 9780415402965

Rapid technological change and increased international competition spotlight the need for the workforce to be able to adapt to changing technologies and shifting product demand. Shifts in the nature of business organizations and the growing importance of knowledge-based work also favor strong nonroutine, cognitive skills, such as abstract reasoning, problem-solving, communication, and collaboration. In this context, education and training becomes a continuous process throughout the life course, involving training and retraining that continue well past initial entry into the labor market.

Technology-mediated learning is a promising tool for lifelong learning, both on the job and through traditional public and private education and training institutions. Future trends in technology, globalization, and demographics will support higher wages and are likely to affect the distribution of wages, just as they have in the past several decades. In the absence of a strong increase in the supply of skilled workers in response to the higher returns to education, wage dispersion — particularly as measured by the gap between more- and less-educated workers — will likely remain at current levels or even continue to widen.

Meanwhile, greater turnover within traditional employment relationships and shifts to nonstandard employment relationships highlight the importance of fringe benefits being portable across jobs or even independent of jobs. Employers that offer benefits may move toward more personalized structures. Younger and older workers, for example, might be allowed to select those benefits that fit their circumstances, with cash wages adjusted to retain overall compensation levels.

Information technologies and outsourcing may support this trend by reducing the costs of managing a more complex system of employee benefits. From a policy perspective, many of the institutional features of the U.

Globalization of Industry and Implications for the Future

Given the above trends and implications, some policies may need to be reexamined. For example, are there distortions or unintended consequences with current policies that preclude desirable market adjustments?

Are policies put in place to address market failures in the past less relevant, given circumstances today and their likely future evolution? Are there new market failures policy can address? Are there distributional consequences that could argue for government intervention? The book provides a context to address these and other important questions to prepare the U.

Lynn A. RAND research briefs present policy-oriented summaries of individual published, peer-reviewed documents or of a body of published work. Permission is given to duplicate this electronic document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis.